| Water in Morocco: Data According to the World | | | | quite insufficient amount if compared to the 10.000 |
| Bank, Morocco still has one of the lowest rural water | | | | the company was obliged to by contract. |
| supply and sanitation access rates in the Middle East | | | | Secondly, public opinion has harshly criticized the fact |
| and North Africa: 56% for rural water supply and | | | | that the connection cost, which amount to EUR800 |
| 35% for rural sanitation. This means that nearly two | | | | or $1.060, is exorbitant for a population whose |
| in three rural Moroccans do not have access to | | | | average annual income is EUR1600 or $2.120. |
| technologies such as the poor flush latrine. The World | | | | Moreover, in suburban areas, where water and |
| Bank also outlines two relevant data: the access to | | | | sanitation are most needed, incomes are much higher. |
| improved water rate is 80%, and the access to | | | | This piece of information contrasts with the figures |
| improved sanitation rate is just 62%. Municipalities are | | | | of the combined profits of the three companies in |
| responsible for rural sanitation, but they lack both the | | | | charge of the private management in the three main |
| financial and technical capacity. As a result, there is a | | | | metropolitan areas mentioned above: such profits |
| tendency to neglect hygiene and sanitation in rural | | | | amount to 8 billion dirhams, about 704 million Euros or |
| areas. Morocco, as its Maghribian neighbours Algeria | | | | 935 million Dollars, which is equivalent to 2 or 2.5% of |
| and Tunisia, suffers a situation of water stress. This | | | | Morocco's GDP. Also, the investment Lydec was |
| is partly due to the economic policies that have | | | | obliged to spend according to the contract has |
| undervalued and discriminated the problem of water | | | | proved to be insufficient: they were supposed to |
| and have attached importance to water depending | | | | invest 3.815 billion dirhams, but the company only |
| only on its relevance in foreign trade. Examples of | | | | spent 2.074 billion dirhams, that is, only 54% of the |
| this economic approach in Morocco are the priority | | | | total amount originally agreed. Finally, with regard to |
| given to export agriculture and the privileges granted | | | | illegal activities, Lydec shared out profits before 2009, |
| to the tourist industry in water affairs. The case of | | | | which is the date stipulated in the contract. In fact, |
| Marrakech is particularly graphic: the two million | | | | between 2003 and 2006, Lydec had already |
| tourists who annually visit this city use five times | | | | distributed 560 million dirhams, over 50 million Euros or |
| more water than the whole local population, which | | | | 66 million Dollars. Moreover, Lydec broke the law by |
| amounts to one million inhabitants. As a result of this | | | | unjustifiably transferring 678 million dirhams, |
| unequal management, the access to water has | | | | amounting to 85% of the capital supposedly invested |
| become more difficult for the rural population and the | | | | by Lydec, to shareholders and suppliers abroad. |
| water tables suffer from overexploitation. | | | | Conclusions and solutions Several associations and |
| Privatization of water in Morocco Since the mid 90s, | | | | institutions, including the Moroccan Association for the |
| there is in Morocco a tendency to the deregulation, | | | | World Contract of Water (ACME-Maroc), consider |
| the privatization and the opening to the big foreign | | | | these two cases to be excellent examples of a |
| corporations for the management of traditionally | | | | wrong approach by the Moroccan administrations. |
| public services. The fundamental sectors of education | | | | The ACME criticises what they regard as an abusive |
| and health have also seen an increase of the | | | | and ineffective economic policy which turns citizens |
| presence of private capital, just as water | | | | into consumers. By thinking that the State is unable |
| management has been gradually put in the hands of | | | | to manage water and that only the market can put |
| private organisations. | | | | in practice the new methods necessary for an |
| The case of the village Ben S'mim A very descriptive | | | | efficient distribution of this resource, the political |
| example of this tendency towards denationalization is | | | | decision-makers are in fact aggravating the already |
| the case of the village of Ben S'mim, in the Middle | | | | critical problems of water and sanitation services |
| Atlas range. The residents of Ben S'mim have | | | | shortages. These organisations demand that access |
| demonstrated repeatedly against the privatisation of | | | | to water be considered as a fundamental human right |
| their water source, which they consider to be a | | | | and that its distribution be organised as a social |
| plundering of a communal resource. A private | | | | service and not as a business regulated by the |
| corporation is trying to acquire the source in order to | | | | arbitrary laws of supply and demand. Also, they are |
| bottle the water for its subsequent commercialisation. | | | | opposed to the decisions adopted by the World |
| Also, the inhabitants of Ben S'mim have released a | | | | Water Form, dictated by the big private water |
| communiqué in which they demand the | | | | holdings of the world, and demand from the |
| interruption of the project, the overturning of the | | | | Moroccan government a critical attitude towards |
| trial against 12 villagers accused of demonstrating | | | | these economic interests. |
| against that project and the adoption of a true policy | | | | They also suggest that the promotion of activities |
| of development for the region that will allow the | | | | related to the production and distribution of water be |
| population to get out of the marginalisation and the | | | | based on a public-public partnership, between |
| absolute poverty in which it is immersed. | | | | Southern and Northern countries, as well as among |
| The case of Lydec in Casablanca A second example | | | | several Southern countries. Finally, these organisations |
| of this tendency to privatizing the management of | | | | also demand the institution the institutions of credible |
| water and sanitation in Morocco is the case of the | | | | mechanism that include civil society in the follow-up |
| two big French corporations that have been put in | | | | and the control of the activities carried out by public |
| charge of the distribution of water and electricity, as | | | | organizations, so that the principles of participative |
| well as the sanitation services, in three of the main | | | | democracy are put into practice. As far as solutions |
| metropolitan areas in Morocco: Casablanca, | | | | concerns, ACME suggests the reduction in the short |
| Rabat-Salé and Tétouan-Tangiers. | | | | term of the squandering of water as well as the |
| The case of the French company Lydec, in charge of | | | | reorientation of the production sectors towards |
| the management of water and sanitation services in | | | | thriftier and less polluting uses of water, both in |
| Casablanca, is a particularly illustrative case of the | | | | agriculture and in the tourism and industry sectors, |
| problems that arise from the private management of | | | | especially in the petrochemical industry. As a main and |
| these services. The company has broken several of | | | | deciding solution, various associations propose a |
| its contractual obligations with the urban municipality, | | | | return to a municipal water management, following |
| and is accused of bad management, overspending | | | | the example of several Northern countries, so that |
| and even fraudulent operations. Firstly, between 1997 | | | | the right to access to water and public sanitation is |
| and 2007, only 1.250 connections were carried out, a | | | | guaranteed. |